Jānis Juzefovičs
University of Tartu, Institute of Social Studies, Faculty Member
In this essay, we examine the connections between media use and trust strategies, and the identity development of the Russian-speaking populations in Estonia and Latvia in the context of the political crisis in Ukraine. We argue against... more
In this essay, we examine the connections between media use and trust strategies, and the identity development of the Russian-speaking populations in Estonia and Latvia in the context of the political crisis in Ukraine. We argue against the levelling, uniform view of Russian-speaking audiences as being completely under the influence of Russian media and thereby politically identifying themselves with the Kremlin. We present a typology of Russian-speaking audiences, explain how they construct their identities as audience members within these types in times of political crisis, and discuss how this self-identification as audience members shapes the development of broader civic and ethnic identities among the Estonian and Latvian Russian-speaking populations.
Research Interests:
This book uses the case study of public television in post-communist Latvia to explore the question of how audiences respond to TV offerings, and how their choices can be seen as an act of agency. Jānis Juzefovičs builds his book around... more
This book uses the case study of public television in post-communist Latvia to explore the question of how audiences respond to TV offerings, and how their choices can be seen as an act of agency. Jānis Juzefovičs builds his book around Albert O. Hirschman’s classic concepts of exit, voice, and loyalty—the options available to a person within any system. He uses Hirschman’s ideas, along with tools from social constructionism, to assess how its publics of both the Latvian-speaking majority and the large Russian-speaking minority have responded to the role of public television in the nation-building efforts of the new Latvian state. Along the way, he develops our understanding of public broadcasting more generally, and the way it can be used to define a national “we”.
Research Interests: Television Studies, Ethnography, Transnationalism, Audience Studies, Baltic Studies, and 21 moreIdentity (Culture), Audience and Reception Studies, Nationalism, National Identity, Public Service Broadcasting, Public Sphere, Memory Studies, Post-Soviet Studies, Citizenship and Identity, Culture in the Soviet Union, Citizenship, Broadcasting, Nostalgia, Central and Eastern Europe, Social cohesion, Audience Research, Estonia, Latvia, Post-Communist Studies, Media Audiences, and Ethnicity and National Identity
Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative audience research and drawing on the case study of two long-running evening news television programmes – Latvian-language Panorama, the flagship news programme of Latvian ex-state and... more
Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative audience research and drawing on the case study of two long-running evening news television programmes – Latvian-language Panorama, the flagship news programme of Latvian ex-state and current public television, and Russian-language Vremya, the main news programme of the former Soviet Central TV and today’s Russian state channel, also available in Latvia – this article demonstrates the interplay between news media preferences and broader sentiments and identity formation processes among the large Russian-speaking minority in the post-Communist Baltic country of Latvia. The results show that what can be seen as immersion of the Russian-speaking viewers in transnational television from Russia is not evidence of their lack of interest in the national life of Latvia, nor absence of their national allegiance to Latvia. The paper is part of a larger doctoral research investigation into responses of publics towards public service television as a nation-building project in Latvia.
Research Interests:
This article explores the relationship between accountability journalism and changing media markets in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), especially in the Baltic countries. Although there is agreement that news journalism is salient for... more
This article explores the relationship between accountability journalism and changing media markets in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), especially in the Baltic countries. Although there is agreement that news journalism is salient for vital democratic public spheres, there is a dearth of studies on the relationship between commercial success and media ownership. The comparative approach looks at CEE media systems as media laboratories where the overall tendencies of the media industry can often be seen in their most severe form. Against the common claim of cultural colonialisation caused by foreign ownership within the region, this article argues that in the case of CEE societies, foreign ownership can be beneficial for accountability journalism by enabling journalists to secure the required distance from local political and economic interests. The article approaches the ownership/democracy equation by comparing the structural tendencies of the region, using Latvia as its case study. The data consist of media ownership and readership data, and specialist interviews.
Research Interests:
Shortly after the collapse of Communist regimes across the Central and Eastern Europe abortive attempts were made to replicate Western-European-style public broadcasting systems. The gap between public broadcasting institutions and... more
Shortly after the collapse of Communist regimes across the Central and Eastern Europe abortive attempts were made to replicate Western-European-style public broadcasting systems.
The gap between public broadcasting institutions and their publics in post-Communist societies manifests vividly in the modest results public broadcasters (particularly television) have in ratings battles with commercial market players and in the huge difficulties public broadcasters face in collecting licence fee-payments.
In order to shed additional light on the peculiar interplay between public broadcasters and their publics in former Communist bloc countries I will draw on Albert Hirschman’s influential theory of ‘exit, voice and loyalty’.
The gap between public broadcasting institutions and their publics in post-Communist societies manifests vividly in the modest results public broadcasters (particularly television) have in ratings battles with commercial market players and in the huge difficulties public broadcasters face in collecting licence fee-payments.
In order to shed additional light on the peculiar interplay between public broadcasters and their publics in former Communist bloc countries I will draw on Albert Hirschman’s influential theory of ‘exit, voice and loyalty’.
Research Interests:
Latvia ended analog terrestrial broadcasting on June 1, 2010, following a flawed process of spectrum allocation, minimal public consultation, and without ensuring that the public understood the process or that the most vulnerable members... more
Latvia ended analog terrestrial broadcasting on June 1, 2010, following a flawed process of spectrum allocation, minimal public consultation, and without ensuring that the public understood the process or that the most vulnerable members of society were assured of access to the digital signal.
The number of terrestrial television channels has increased with digitization, providing an alternative to cable and satellite. However, experts indicate that switch-over has not raised the quality of television content. With viewers’ purchasing power limited, free-to-air TV and low-cost channels along with Russian television programs are offered instead of high-quality foreign content. Digitization has not led to better quality journalism, nor has it increased the volume of original news content.
Marginalized groups have gained a public forum on digital platforms, especially on social networks. But there is no evidence that digitization helps to improve the media coverage of those groups. Digitization has offered many tools and opportunities for improved investigative journalism but they are seldom used. Signs of innovative and creative uses of digital media and social networks suggest that digital channels may yet provide a powerful voice for civic activism. But that will require further maturing of civil society.
A universal self-regulatory mechanism has eluded Latvian journalists for decades and digitization has done little to improve this.The current legal framework for allocating digital spectrum needs to be revised and the private intermediary provider of free-to-air digital terrestrial services needs to be eliminated. Legal provisions ensuring transparency of media ownership are insufficient and need to be improved.
The number of terrestrial television channels has increased with digitization, providing an alternative to cable and satellite. However, experts indicate that switch-over has not raised the quality of television content. With viewers’ purchasing power limited, free-to-air TV and low-cost channels along with Russian television programs are offered instead of high-quality foreign content. Digitization has not led to better quality journalism, nor has it increased the volume of original news content.
Marginalized groups have gained a public forum on digital platforms, especially on social networks. But there is no evidence that digitization helps to improve the media coverage of those groups. Digitization has offered many tools and opportunities for improved investigative journalism but they are seldom used. Signs of innovative and creative uses of digital media and social networks suggest that digital channels may yet provide a powerful voice for civic activism. But that will require further maturing of civil society.
A universal self-regulatory mechanism has eluded Latvian journalists for decades and digitization has done little to improve this.The current legal framework for allocating digital spectrum needs to be revised and the private intermediary provider of free-to-air digital terrestrial services needs to be eliminated. Legal provisions ensuring transparency of media ownership are insufficient and need to be improved.
Research Interests:
Izmantojot regulāro televīzijas auditoriju mērījumu datus, Latvijas iedzīvotāju aptauju un fokusgrupas diskusijas, šī pētījuma mērķis ir noskaidrot ziņu mediju lietošanas paradumus Latvijas iedzīvotāju vidū, īpašu uzmanību pievēršot ziņu... more
Izmantojot regulāro televīzijas auditoriju mērījumu datus, Latvijas iedzīvotāju aptauju un fokusgrupas diskusijas, šī pētījuma mērķis ir noskaidrot ziņu mediju lietošanas paradumus Latvijas iedzīvotāju vidū, īpašu uzmanību pievēršot ziņu mediju preferencēm dažādās mediju lietotāju paaudzēs un etniskajās (lingvistiskajās) grupās. Pētījuma fokuss ir televīzijas ziņu raidījumu lietošana ar īpašu interesi par sabiedriskās televīzijas ziņu konkurētspēja cīņā par auditoriju uzmanību.
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Pētījumā analizēts TV ziņu raidījumu saturs 2007.gada aprīlī šādos TV kanālos: LTV1, LTV7, TV3, LNT, TV5 un PBK, pievēršot uzmanību šādām analīzes vienībām: notikuma vieta, ziņas temats, sižeta tips, ziņas izcelsme, sižeta veids/žanrs,... more
Pētījumā analizēts TV ziņu raidījumu saturs 2007.gada aprīlī šādos TV kanālos: LTV1, LTV7, TV3, LNT, TV5 un PBK, pievēršot uzmanību šādām analīzes vienībām: notikuma vieta, ziņas temats, sižeta tips, ziņas izcelsme, sižeta veids/žanrs, ziņu avoti, filmēšanas veidi.
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Rakstā skaidrots, vai un kā Saeimas deputāti, izmantojot lingvistiskos paņēmienus, pozicionē sevi kā subjektu tekstā. Pētījuma teorētisko un metodoloģisko pamatojumu veido kritiskā lingvistika, tajā izmantota arī automātiskā diskursa... more
Rakstā skaidrots, vai un kā Saeimas deputāti, izmantojot lingvistiskos paņēmienus, pozicionē sevi kā subjektu tekstā. Pētījuma teorētisko un metodoloģisko pamatojumu veido kritiskā lingvistika, tajā izmantota arī automātiskā diskursa analīzes metode. Analizētā teksta korpusu veido parlamenta debates 1996., 1998. un 2005.gadā, apspriežot Latvijas vēstures jautājumus.
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Raksts pēta, kā informanti saprot un kā tālāk izmanto politiķu runas, reklāmas un žurnālistu veidotos vēlēšanu kampaņas tekstus. Kvalitatīvā pētījumu metode galvenokārt balstās uz 24 dziļo interviju analīzi, kas ļauj secināt, ka... more
Raksts pēta, kā informanti saprot un kā tālāk izmanto politiķu runas, reklāmas un žurnālistu veidotos vēlēšanu kampaņas tekstus. Kvalitatīvā pētījumu metode galvenokārt balstās uz 24 dziļo interviju analīzi, kas ļauj secināt, ka uztvērumam piemīt sarežģīts, individuāli niansēts raksturs. Pētījums norāda uz konkurējošu diskursu līdzāspastāvēšanu un atvērtu to interpretāciju, tomēr atsevišķiem vēstījumiem piemīt lielāka ietekme. Kā secināts pētījumā, lielāku ietekmi bauda tieša/netieša pieredze un politiskā reklāma. Pētījumā arī atklāts, ka žurnālistikas teksti nav izrādījušies spēcīgi un tos var viegli pārspēt konkurējošie diskursi.
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1945.gadā atguvusi varu Latvijā, Padomju Savienība to tiecas nostiprināt. Latvijas radio tobrīd ir vienīgais varas kontrolētais vietējais elektroniskais masu komunikācijas kanāls. Padomju vara apjauš radio iespējas jauno ideju... more
1945.gadā atguvusi varu Latvijā, Padomju Savienība to tiecas nostiprināt. Latvijas radio tobrīd ir vienīgais varas kontrolētais vietējais elektroniskais masu komunikācijas kanāls. Padomju vara apjauš radio iespējas jauno ideju izplatīšanā, un tas reflektējas arī radio saturā. Kā raksta tā laika prese, radio palīdz mobilizēt un organizēt visplašākās ļaužu masas. Raksta uzdevums ir atsegt jauno ideoloģisko rāmju formētās pārmaiņas radio saturā. Raksts sniedz arī ieskatu raidījumu formas transformācijās. Par empīrisko materiālu pamatā kalpo laikrakstā "Cīņa" publicētās radio programmas, tās papildinot ar citām liecībām.
